Protests in Iran: great solidarity – and all the harshness of the regime

In Iran, more and more people who have not had anything to do with the protests are showing solidarity with the protesters. The regime is cracking down on demonstrators with all severity – it seems too late for dialogue.

“Tod Khamenei” – the spiritual and supreme leader of Iran, demonstrators shout. It’s one of the bigger protests. Recently there have been several small actions. Some of them are said to have lasted only a few minutes, like pinpricks against an overpowering regime.

Since the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini in mid-September, people in many cities have taken to the streets. They are no longer just concerned with Mahsa’s death in police custody. Or about relaxing dress codes. The demonstrators are concerned with fundamental issues, political scientist Ali Fatollah Nejad said recently in the daily topics: “We are undoubtedly dealing with a revolutionary process in Iran.”

Revolution, overthrow – ultimately an end to the Islamic Republic of Iran in its current form. Most do not participate directly in the protests. But motorists honk their horns in solidarity. Passers-by get involved when, for example, a woman without a headscarf is being chased. The demonstrations are mainly young people on the streets, women and men.

Many are students. The big protests in 1999 came from them. But recently they have held back, according to Cologne-based Islam scholar Katajun Amirpur. The leverage was too great that they could simply be expelled from the university.

Participation of the students new quality

The fact that they are now there speaks for a new quality of the protests: “The fact that the students are now taking to the streets not only shows the great resentment, but of course also suggests that a critical mass could be reached. Because there are students in Iran a very, very broad, a very important, a very large mass of people. If they took to the streets, then there could actually be the critical mass that is needed to overthrow the regime, which has been invoked again and again,” says Amirpur .

However, it is doubtful whether this will be achieved. Because the regime meets protests with all severity. After all, foreign powers were behind the demonstrations, according to the country’s supreme leader Khamenei: “This is not a domestic, spontaneous matter. The actions of the enemy, their propaganda, their efforts to influence and stir up people’s minds, the way , how he even teaches people how to build something like Molotov cocktails – that’s perfectly clear and obvious.”

Well over 100 people have died in the protests so far – human rights organizations sometimes speak of more than 200, including police officers. According to Amnesty International, 23 children have been killed in the protests so far. The police chief says the people must be protected from those who overthrow them. This is also the view of the country’s top judge, Mohseni Ejei. But he offers to talk to critics: “If there is really criticism and protest, we will of course accept it and correct our mistakes if necessary. If there is a weak point, we will fix it. We are not afraid of it.”

Great solidarity among the population

Ultimately, however, he orders harsh penalties to be imposed on the leaders of the protests. It seems too late for dialogue in the country. The protesters are apparently too determined. Of course, not all of the more than 80 million people in the country are on their side. However, according to Amirpur, pictures of students being hunted and whipped also create solidarity in parts of the population who have not had anything to do with the protests so far.

That could be dangerous for the regime. But Amirpur also believes that the so-called Revolutionary Guards will fight to the last to preserve the regime. Their sinecures are too big and the suffering they have inflicted on the people is too great: “You know, you can’t do anything but fight, because you simply won’t be forgiven for what you did to this population.”

Even if there isn’t a new revolution in Iran, society is divided — beyond political opinions, says political scientist Fatollah Nejad: “We see a blatant gap between a predominantly young population and a ruling caste of old, elderly men.”