August is vacation time, that was also the case 30 years ago, which is why Vladimir Putin was “where do I know where” when it all began – that’s how he related it years later. When a group of reactionary functionaries launched a coup against Mikhail Gorbachev on August 19, 1991 to stop the collapse of the Soviet Union, the young Putin hurried back to Saint Petersburg. At the time, it was clear to him which side he was on: under no circumstances would he join the putschists, that’s how he put it.
For both Putin and the majority of Russians, things are not so easy today. The uncertainty about how to evaluate those days in August is a symptom of a greater identity crisis. How often, when it comes to history in Russia, many people mourn what they have lost – the Soviet Union. And do not see what has been won. Admittedly, this gain is becoming more and more difficult to grasp, the more rights are taken away from the citizens.
In any case, 30 years ago the situation appeared clear for a short time. The putschists clung to communism with military force, the people wanted renewal. In Moscow tens of thousands opposed the tanks and ultimately ended the power of the CPSU. A break in the air? A majority sees it differently today. About one in ten still see these days as the victory of a “democratic revolution”. According to surveys, more than 40 percent of Russians consider the August coup to be a sad event with devastating consequences. In addition to disappointed hope, there is a vague feeling of loss. Two thirds of Russians regret the end of the Soviet Union – not only because they have not been citizens of this gigantic empire since then. At that time, a draft society also collapsed, in the place of which there was no real democracy, but an imitation of it.
Putin’s system has always been authoritarian, but today it no longer has any scruples
The new system was supposed to bring more prosperity back then, and quickly. At first, however, it brought chaos, corruption and poverty. Many Russians today do not associate anything good with the liberal reforms of the 1990s. Later, the high oil price was more likely to save Russia’s economy than the new freedom. Today there is much more prosperity than in the Soviet era, Russia is much more similar to the western democracies than the USSR was. But when people have to choose between political freedom and material security, many continue to choose the latter.
The Kremlin knows this. For years it has sought the appearance of democratic legitimacy. Putin’s system has always been authoritarian, today there is no longer any qualms about showing this openly. The Kremlin eliminates the independent opposition and freedom of expression – also with the argument of protecting the Russians from harm. Without Putin, the Kremlin propagates, the country would sink into chaos again. Of course, his promise of stability is not a substitute for a political idea. Whether this promise is enough for the citizens is the big question for the years to come.
As for the August coup, Putin’s feelings have always been ambivalent. It was clear at the time that the putschists would destroy the country, Putin said in 2000. But the task they had set themselves – to save the Soviet Union from collapse – he found welcome.