Green in the traffic light: pragmatism in green

The Greens have to endure one impertinence after the other in the traffic light coalition. And yet they manage to make 2022 the most successful year in their party’s history to date. What is the catch?

It was mid-October at the Green Party Congress in Bonn. Steffi Lemke stepped up to the lectern. Many delegates in the room were chatting to each other or staring at their cell phones. But then Lemke did not give an average speech, but relentlessly analyzed the situation of her party. The Federal Environment Minister called the course that the Greens decided at this party conference an “imposition”.

That is exactly what the party executive is demanding from the base: more nuclear and coal power, arms deliveries to a war zone and additional billions for the military. The Greens have to swallow one toad after the other in the traffic light coalition and still manage to make 2022 the most successful year in their party’s history.

The credit side

Hardly anyone would have thought it possible at the beginning of this year that the party, which has its roots in the peace movement, would experience the peak of its political existence in a year of war. The Greens voted in the Bundestag for the 100 billion euro special fund for the Bundeswehr, Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock is one of the loudest supporters of the delivery of heavy weapons to Ukraine – but there is only a little simmering at the party base.

The supporters of the Greens obviously appreciate that the eco-party does not stick rigidly to its principles, but rather adapts them to the political situation in a crisis situation – in a specific case one could also say: throws the principles overboard. Problem solving and pragmatism seem to be more in demand than internal party struggles.

And so the Greens manage to celebrate one record result after another in state elections this year: in Schleswig HolsteinNorth Rhine-Westphalia and Lower Saxony they each reached double-digit values ​​and are involved in the state governments.

Only in Saarland did one slip: the Greens did not manage to get into the Saarbrücken state parliament. Here it was open quarrels in the party that the voters obviously punished. But a look at the popularity of the green top staff quickly makes you forget the Saarland defeat: Baerbock and Robert Habeck have been in the top places in the for months ARD Germany trend.

The debit side

Further state elections are due in 2023. “Markus Söder will no longer be Prime Minister of Bavaria,” said Green veteran Jürgen Trittin in an interview with the ARD Capital Studio confident. But that might be wishful thinking. Although polls currently see the Greens as the second strongest force in Bavaria, the CSU still has a clear lead. The Free State will vote in autumn.

Things are looking more promising for the Greens in the new elections to the Berlin House of Representatives in February: they are roughly on par with the SPD in polls, and together the parties would be stronger than the CDU. Bettina Jarasch thus has realistic chances of becoming mayor. The Greens would then govern the second federal state – so far Baden-Württemberg, with Winfried Kretschmann at the helm, is the only federal state governed by the Greens.

A third could even come in 2023: Tarek Al-Wazir wants to run for the office of Prime Minister of Hesse in October. He has been state minister for nine years and would now like to advance to the top of the government in Wiesbaden. But in polls so far, the CDU is ahead.

Even after the successful year 2022, the Greens are confident. The crucial question will be whether they can continue to count on the same level of support from the electorate as before. The party will always reach its political pain limits – that inevitably comes with governing in the traffic light alliance.

Above all, the Greens separate political worlds from the FDP, for example on the subject of nuclear power: The Liberals question the nuclear phase-out, which has been postponed until mid-April. Minister of Transport Volker Wissing justifies this with, among other things, the large amount of electricity required by more electric cars. It would be another impertinence for the green base. Procuring new fuel rods for nuclear power plants has so far been categorically ruled out by the Greens. To move away from this under pressure from the coalition partner could cost you a lot of credibility and thus popular support.

The party leaders

Ricarda Lang and Omid Nouripour are rather quiet party leaders, at least to the outside world. Your standing within the party is considered solid. You manage to keep the Greens together even in these politically critical times.

But the secret stars of the party are different: Baerbock and Habeck. Many still consider them to be the leaders of the Greens. For five years, the two formed the top duo that brought the party forward.

Baerbock and Habeck stand for the rise of the eco-party from a middle to a strong political force. Habeck’s rhetoric is admired by many in the party. He can explain complex problems in simpler language. That sometimes goes wrong, but then he can also admit mistakes. As Foreign Minister, Baerbock has also gained a lot of international respect, and she is setting a new tone. In contrast, Lang and Nouripour often look a bit pale, but they have only been in office for almost a year.

It’s difficult to say who will be the Green Party’s top candidate in the next federal election. After all, the question of candidates in 2025 should no longer be dealt with privately, as Baerbock and Habeck did in 2021. This time, the base should decide by ballot. Habeck and Baerbock are said to have a “professional relationship”. It is quite possible that the competition for the chancellor candidacy will start soon.