After the President’s veto, the Georgian government has one last chance to withdraw the “agent law”. Your opponents are already thinking about the elections in October and fear a scenario like in Belarus.
Things are rough in Georgia’s parliament. Insults go back and forth, there are always scuffles, and sometimes there are punches. At crucial meetings, opposition MPs are expelled from the room.
In the midst of all the provocations, it is difficult to remain calm, says Ana Natswlishvili from the opposition party Lelo. But it’s about fulfilling the parliamentary mandate with dignity.
But she also wanted to send a signal: During a recent parliamentary debate, Natswlishvili wore ski goggles and a breathing mask like the protesters in front of the building – out of solidarity and to denounce the violence of the police against the demonstrators.
Toxic and inspiring at the same time
Four men stand guard at the entrance to her party office in the train station district, far from the spruced-up city center; the door is well secured. The station is a hub between the city center, suburbs and the entire country. You want to be open to people, says the 39-year-old. On the other hand, the opposition politicians have to protect themselves.
Like many people, Natsvlishvili always has pepper spray with him. There have been too many attacks on prominent government opponents recently without the police responding to emergency calls.
The atmosphere is toxic and it is degrading how the government is ignoring the people who have been protesting for weeks against the “foreign influence” law. At the same time, it is inspiring to see how resilient society is.
Not back into Russian orbit
It’s about nothing less than Georgia’s independence; the government’s policies are driving the country back into the Russian orbit. But there are enough people in this country who know exactly what that means.
After decades of crisis, the EU is like a safety net that the government wants to take away. The threats to suspend visa liberalization are particularly sensitive. Thanks to the travel options, people could see for themselves how good life is in the EU. The government’s propaganda is no longer as effective “because people are witnesses to the difference,” said Natsvischwili.
Her party has already drawn up a detailed program on how the EU’s conditions for starting accession talks can be met. An important point is the question of which weaknesses in the system of separation of powers have led to an oligarch being able to conquer the state. “We should set up a state-supported think tank that ensures that no new oligarchs are born.”
Convince the voters
But in order to implement this policy, the weak and divided opposition must position itself in such a way that it represents an alternative to the ruling party in the parliamentary elections in October.
Natsvlishvili divides the Georgian Dream (GT) voters into four groups. There are those who the ruling party can control through their work in the public sector. In addition, there are more than 600,000 people dependent on social benefits – there are numerous documented cases whereby these people were threatened with loss of benefits if they did not vote for GT.
A third group benefits from tenders that are awarded to companies in the GT environment in a non-transparent manner. Finally, there are those who previously simply believed the government party’s propaganda.
What would also be convincing would be the – high – proportion of the population that does not believe any party. In order to overcome the five percent hurdle, electoral alliances would make sense, although this complicates the existing legislation and could always be changed at short notice.
Mobilize first-time voters
Dachi Imedadze wants to convince young people to go to the polls. His organization Shame Movement was founded in 2019 in protest against the appearance of Russian Duma deputy Sergei Gavrilov in the Georgian parliament. He and his colleagues have calculated that 150,000 young people will be able to vote for the first time this year, which could have a decisive influence on the result.
But who to choose? The 25-year-old says he doesn’t know yet. “Either you don’t participate and say none of them are okay, or you go and vote for someone you like least and then pray for a better future.” He relies on the parties forming two or three technical alliances.
Imedadze wants to convince first-time voters to go to the polls.
Fear of a scenario like in Belarus
Shame Movement is the focus of government propaganda, even though they only support the protests, while it is younger groups from universities and even schools who call for action almost daily. Like MP Natsvilishvili, it is important for Imedadze to emphasize that all age groups take part in the protests and that people should also convince their own parents and grandparents. On Saturday, healthcare workers took to the streets for the first time.
Imedadze is willing to register Shame Movement as an “organization under foreign influence” and accept restrictions as long as he can pursue his goal of “bringing as many people to the polls as possible.” Like many, he expects significant manipulation and does not rule out a suppression of the opposition movement, as in Belarus.
Representative Natsvlishvili sees it similarly. She therefore calls on the EU to impose sanctions on those responsible in the government. In addition, the international community should help, for example through long-term observation, to ensure that the election can be as free and fair as possible. And she calls for very clear messages, “because diplomatic language in the hands of the Russian propaganda machine doesn’t work.”