We would see what we would see. For months, the executives of La France insoumise (LFI) have been claiming that parliamentary obstruction (the fact of slowing down a debate in the hemicycle by all possible regulatory means) was a perfectly legitimate means of action, and especially on the major issue of pension reform. In October, Mathilde Panot, the president of the LFI parliamentary group in the National Assembly, announced the prospect of 1,000 amendments per deputies of her group, or 75,000 before the temporary exclusion of Adrien Quatennens. Already the majority expected to be overwhelmed by baroque or purely formal amendments to replace a word or even change the punctuation, as during the 2019-2020 reform.
In recent days, the rebellious seem to have changed their tune. The president of the group now only speaks of “thousands of amendments”. “The number it will take, adds, enigmatic, Hadrien Clouet, LFI deputy for Haute-Garonne and one of the leaders of the group on pensions. Anyway, an amendment is withdrawn. In the parliamentary battle, it is better to have too much than not enough. This Thursday morning, everything is not yet fixed, but the 75,000 amendments seem already forgotten.
Counter-proposals
This time we are promised substantive amendments… Even if we recall that already in 2020 the thousands of unsubmitted amendments were not all on changes of commas. “We are working on the right places in the project to be amended to bring our counter-proposals, explains Marianne Maximi, LFI deputy for Clermont-Ferrand. On the financial side, we have drafted amendments on exemptions from contributions, on the reinforcement of penalties for non-respect of equal pay, on the taxation of large fortunes… We are rolling out our ideas, we are not inventing anything! »
“Our strategy is to be able to have as many debates as possible in the Assembly”, adds the elected Auvergne. A hell of a reversal of the situation, which, for the rebellious, is a simple adaptation to the legislative tactics of the government. For this pension reform, the executive is going through an amending social security finance bill (PLFSSR) governed by article 47.1 of the constitution. Clearly, the time for debate is constrained: after twenty calendar days, whatever happens in the Assembly, the text goes to the Senate. And after fifty days, the government can pass its reform by decree, without a vote, if it pleases. The “usual” parliamentary filibuster therefore no longer blocks the text.
The locomotive and the carriages
“If we were in a classic legislative mode with a bill, of course we would have tabled a lot of amendments to allow time for social mobilization to unfold, justified Manuel Bompard, the coordinator of the movement, on France Inter, Sunday . We are not in this situation today. Among certain partners of Nupes, we also underline the material difficulty of producing so many amendments in such a short time. Greens, communists and socialists have smaller groups and therefore fewer collaborators. But it is above all politically that we are relieved: “So much the better if the rebellious change their minds… Obstruction was not our option anyway”, blows a still cautious socialist executive, who sees an effect there. joint work in the left-wing intergroups.
Would LFI’s “junior” partners come together to impose certain options on the leading party of the alliance? “Not often enough for my taste,” smiles this PS executive. “Of course the other parties have an influence, recognizes a rebel who prefers to remain discreet. That they were hesitant from the start with our strategy of obstruction, that counted. “” Everyone must adapt, judge Marianne Maximi. LFI is not all Nupes. It’s the locomotive, we have to assume it, we have to be the most unitary even. On parliamentary strategy, it is by discussing with the partners that we build the battle for pensions, because preserving unity is essential. »
New deal
This probable change of foot could completely change the physiognomy of the debates in session, which are due to start on Monday, February 6. While the prospect of a vote on the text at first reading before the twenty regulatory days seemed impossible, the hypothesis is now on the table. However, the government’s ally on pension reform, LR, is struggling: if we believe the score of France Inter, at this time, the votes from the right-wing party would not be sufficient for adoption. Also, almost no deputy and deputies various right and various left of the motley Liot group (Freedoms, independents, overseas and territories) support the reform. All this makes the communist Sébastien Jumel say “that there are majority spaces to be built”.
To the point that some give the motion for the prior rejection of the text and the referendum motion, discussed from February 6, some chance of being adopted. A snub in both cases for the government. However, on the left, no one believes that if the government backs down it will first be under the effect of the National Assembly. For the rebellious, the parliamentary discussion is only complementary to the rest of the dispute. “It is the people who will demonstrate and go on strike who will build the balance of power”, believes Damien Maudet, LFI deputy for Haute-Vienne. Until the Socialist Party, we can not imagine the government giving up “before a lasting blockage of the country”. The standoff, in the lower house and in the street, has only just begun.