“He made the fight against the far right a central subject for the left”, explains political scientist Stéphane Rozès

In a way, he fought to the end against the extreme right. The BFM TV show to which Marine Le Pen was invited this Sunday was canceled due to the death this morning of Bernard Tapie. Engaged in politics at the end of the 1980s, “he shifted the lines by making the fight against racism and the far right on the political and societal level the new central and unique subject for the left”, remarks the political scientist Stéphane Rozès .

President of CAP (Conseils Analyzes et Perspectives) and teacher at Sciences-Po, he returns to 20 minutes on the political course of the adopted Marseillais.

What type of politician was Bernard Tapie?

He was opportunistic, clever, playing with his charm, always mixing business and politics. Opportunist because, before going to see the Socialists, Bernard Tapie had tried to establish himself and to exist politically on the right around Alain Madelin, Gérard Longuet.

He is a Balzacian character because his personal journey marries a historical moment. On the other hand, he always tried to establish himself and gain respectability, especially in the middle of the bourgeoisie. But he underestimated her aristocratic side and she kept her on the edge. Because unlike the American bourgeoisie, to be dubbed by the French bourgeoisie, it is not enough to be rich and to have the Phocea [Un yacht de luxe acquis dans les années 1980].

Bernard Tapie then tried to exist in parallel through politics. I say in parallel because he understood, like others but before others, that there would be a link between his business and politics, either to obtain or to protect himself.

Was his businessman side compatible with the ideas of the left that he carried?

It corresponded to the moment when the left, in the middle of the 80s or the beginning of the 90s, gave up, because of the European environment, any discourse making popular categories the heart of its action to change capitalism. He joined what was called at the time the modernization embodied by Pierre Mauroy, Jacques Delors, Laurent Fabius. Basically Mitterrand, skillfully, understood that it was necessary to replace the social question with the fight against racism, against the FN. It was necessary both to give a new identity to the left, more social but societal, but also to adapt it to a neoliberal environment.

Bernard Tapie corresponded to that. With him, we said to ourselves: “Ah, finally the left is reconciled with the company”. And he was rising to the front, in spectacular fashion against the National Front. Suddenly, he shifted the lines by making the fight against racism and the far right on the political and societal level the new central and unique subject for the left.

Was this fight against the FN effective?

Above all, he succeeded in staging a form of opposition to the FN. The strength of the FN, which then became the RN, does not depend on media or oratorical contests but on substantive political questions. So at the time, he appeared to be able to put Jean-Marie Le Pen in difficulty. But these are only very immediate political and media effects. The FN continued to prosper.

What marked the end of his political career? Court cases?

What is interesting is that there were several Bernard Tapies. There was the one who succeeded then at a time when the idea was germinating that the economy, the business world, guaranteed the future for the popular classes. And when the country becomes, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, anti-neoliberal, against the elites, it experiences personal problems with its affairs. He plays it by explaining that if we were against him, it was because he was not part of the ruling class. He had established a form of collusion with the French against the elites.

So what do you think will remain of Bernard Tapie’s political career?

Perhaps the idea of ​​a rather French character, a little cunning, clever, saying things and doing the opposite.

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